Fred Gunner
AH elite
“The world still has no idea what is happening because of indifference, and because it seems that we have already become accustomed to wars. There is war in Iraq, there is war in Syria and there is also now a war in Mozambique.”
In an interview with Club Mozambique, the bishop of Pemba, Luiz Fernando Lisboa, recounts the constant daily struggles in the regional capital of Cabo Delgado.
Outside of the province, many people have little idea of the growing violence taking place in Cabo Delgado in northern Mozambique that is affecting more than 700,000 people.
www.theafricareport.com
Response against the insurgency
The Mozambican army is trying to quell the insurgency. They have solicited the help of private military contractors including Russia’s Wagner Group and the South-Africa based security company Dyck Advisory Group. Estimates by the government put the number of killed insurgents at 100 in recent months. But the reality is the response has fuelled the movement; what was once a small uprising has now transformed into a larger threat.
Southern Africa: Cabo Delgado Civil War - Pressure Grows in South Africa for Intervention
allafrica.com
South African General Xolani Mankayi has ordered the soldiers of his 43 Brigade, who form the rapid intervention unit of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), to begin an intensive training programme for possible action in Cabo Delgado if President Cyril Ramaphosa decides to intervene, according to Africa Intelligence (29 July). (Zitamar, Carta de Mocambique 30 July)
Africa Intelligence points to a "lobby" for military intervention led by the SANDF chief General Solly Shoke. He has backing of Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapissa-Nqakula and her husband Charles Nqakula, a former defence minister. Charles was High Commissioner (ambassador) in Mozambique 2012-16 and the pair retain close links with Frelimo.
South Africa's Institute for Security Studies (ISS) is also lobbying for intervention. Police raided a house in Kliprivier south of Johannesburg on 23 July, arresting a five person kidnapping gang and finding weapons, training manuals, and an ISIS black flag (eNCA, 29 July). ISS consultant Peter Fabricius wrote in Daily Maverick (30 July) that "some security analysts believe the Kliprivier group was only involved in raising finances, mainly through kidnapping and perhaps extortion, for terrorist operations elsewhere, including in Mozambique." Jakkie Cilliers, ISS head of African futures and innovation told TimesLive (28 July) that it was well known that kidnapping syndicates in South Africa use ransoms as a source of finance for other criminal networks. “Extremist organisations are able to take root when there is a collapse or failure in governance as we see happening in northern Mozambique," he said.
Who’s to blame for the instability?
What is not clear is if the groups are connected or are fighting each other and the inhabitants for control. In addition to a growing death toll, the militants have also:
A decade before the violence, there existed a religious sect, Al-Shabaab, which was active in a few districts of Cabo Delgado. As a religious group, it sought the practice of radical Islam and Sharia law, and opposed all forms of collaboration with the government. But over time, it began to expand, including military cells along with a tougher discourse as of late 2015, until its members started fighting in 2017.
To feed the movement, the rebels looked to the local Muslim population that has been marginalised and neglected for years by the government. Unemployment and poverty are widespread in the region.
In an interview with Club Mozambique, the bishop of Pemba, Luiz Fernando Lisboa, recounts the constant daily struggles in the regional capital of Cabo Delgado.
Outside of the province, many people have little idea of the growing violence taking place in Cabo Delgado in northern Mozambique that is affecting more than 700,000 people.
Mozambique: Can Cabo Delgado’s Islamist insurgency be stopped? - The Africa Report.com
Outside of Mozambique’s northern province of Cabo Delgado, many people have little idea of the growing violence taking place that is affecting more than 700,000 people.
www.theafricareport.com
Response against the insurgency
The Mozambican army is trying to quell the insurgency. They have solicited the help of private military contractors including Russia’s Wagner Group and the South-Africa based security company Dyck Advisory Group. Estimates by the government put the number of killed insurgents at 100 in recent months. But the reality is the response has fuelled the movement; what was once a small uprising has now transformed into a larger threat.
Southern Africa: Cabo Delgado Civil War - Pressure Grows in South Africa for Intervention
Southern Africa: Cabo Delgado Civil War - Pressure Grows in South Africa for Intervention
South African General Xolani Mankayi has ordered the soldiers of his 43 Brigade, who form the rapid intervention unit of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), to begin an intensive training programme for possible action in Cabo Delgado if President Cyril Ramaphosa decides to...
South African General Xolani Mankayi has ordered the soldiers of his 43 Brigade, who form the rapid intervention unit of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), to begin an intensive training programme for possible action in Cabo Delgado if President Cyril Ramaphosa decides to intervene, according to Africa Intelligence (29 July). (Zitamar, Carta de Mocambique 30 July)
Africa Intelligence points to a "lobby" for military intervention led by the SANDF chief General Solly Shoke. He has backing of Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapissa-Nqakula and her husband Charles Nqakula, a former defence minister. Charles was High Commissioner (ambassador) in Mozambique 2012-16 and the pair retain close links with Frelimo.
South Africa's Institute for Security Studies (ISS) is also lobbying for intervention. Police raided a house in Kliprivier south of Johannesburg on 23 July, arresting a five person kidnapping gang and finding weapons, training manuals, and an ISIS black flag (eNCA, 29 July). ISS consultant Peter Fabricius wrote in Daily Maverick (30 July) that "some security analysts believe the Kliprivier group was only involved in raising finances, mainly through kidnapping and perhaps extortion, for terrorist operations elsewhere, including in Mozambique." Jakkie Cilliers, ISS head of African futures and innovation told TimesLive (28 July) that it was well known that kidnapping syndicates in South Africa use ransoms as a source of finance for other criminal networks. “Extremist organisations are able to take root when there is a collapse or failure in governance as we see happening in northern Mozambique," he said.
Who’s to blame for the instability?
What is not clear is if the groups are connected or are fighting each other and the inhabitants for control. In addition to a growing death toll, the militants have also:
- Targeted security forces;
- Destroyed public infrastructure;
- And stolen weapons from Mozambican troops.
A decade before the violence, there existed a religious sect, Al-Shabaab, which was active in a few districts of Cabo Delgado. As a religious group, it sought the practice of radical Islam and Sharia law, and opposed all forms of collaboration with the government. But over time, it began to expand, including military cells along with a tougher discourse as of late 2015, until its members started fighting in 2017.
To feed the movement, the rebels looked to the local Muslim population that has been marginalised and neglected for years by the government. Unemployment and poverty are widespread in the region.
